Friday, 29 August 2025

Instructions for British Servicemen in Germany, 1944


 Last month I was in Germany with some friends. Whilst there I picked up some books, one was a reprinting of a British Servicemen's guide on what to expect and how to behave in Germany. This version came in English and German translation. The translation dating from the 2000s is copyrighted but the original English contents are now in the public domain due to expiration of Crown Copyright. Its an interesting read, despite publication in 1944 many of its views on German attitudes hold up surprisingly well. I was also surprised to see the text directly rubbishes several myths about the period that refuse to go away it has a short but to the point history of the rise of Hitler and analysis of his movement and regime.

I've reproduced the text below, though I've omitted the lengthy phrasebook section, its formatting just would not translate to a blogger format. Though I will say that outside of some dated terms it is also a useful phrasebook. 

 

 Instructions 

for British Servicemen 

in Germany, 1944

This book has nothing to do with military operations. It deals only with civilian life in Germany and with the way you should behave to the German civilian population. This book is published in November, 1944, at a time when our Armies have barely entered Germany and Hitler and the Nazi regime have not yet been overthrown. Many important events may happen between now and the time when you first read this book. Do not be surprised therefore if here and there sentences, true at the time they were written, have become out of date. 

 GERMANY CONTENTS 

To begin with 

The German Land. 

The German Story. 

What the Nazis have done to Germany. 

What the War has done to Germany. 

What the Germans are like. 

What the Germans think of us.

How the Germans live Money. 

Making yourself understood. 

Do's and Don'ts 

Words and Phrases 

Weights and Measures 

Security Note. 

 FOREWORD 

FOR the second time in under thirty years, British troops are entering upon the soil of Germany. The Germany Arm.y, the most carefully constructed military machine which the world has known, has suffered catastrophic defeats in the field. The civilian population of Germany has seen the war brought into its homes in a terrible form. You will see much suffering in Germany and much to awake your pity. You may also find that many Germans, on the surface at least, seem pleasant enough and that they will even try to welcome you as friends. All this may make you think that they have learned their lesson and need no further teaching. But remember this: for the last hundred years-long before Hitler-German writers of great authority have been steadily teaching the necessity for war and glorifying it for its own sake. The Germans have much to unlearn. They have also much to atone for. Never has murder been organised on so vast a scale as by the German Government and the German Arm.y in this war. Death by shooting, hanging, burning, torture or starvation has been visited on hundreds of thousands of civilians in the countries of Eastern Europe occupied by the Germans, and on thousands in the occupied countries of Western Europe. The record of these outrages is not just "atrocity propaganda." It is based in most cases on the evidence of eye-witnesses or on statements made by the criminals themselves.

 Moreover, the writings and speeches of the German leaders show that such outrages formed part of a deliberate policy. The German people as a whole cannot escape a large share of responsibility. The main instruments of German policy were certainly Hitler's Black Guards and Secret Police, but ordinary German officers, N. C. 0. 's and men acted often enough with the same brutality. Individual German soldiers and civilians may have deplored it, but no one was found to protest publicly and in good time against it. From the time Hitler came to power no serious resistance movement showed itself in Germany until the attempted putsch of the German generals on the 2othJuly, 1944. But the cause of that revolt was not the barbarity of Hitler's methods, but merely their lack of success. The history of these last years must not be repeated. The purpose of the British Commonwealth and its Allies, and of the forces which represent them, is not vengeance against the Germans. It is to make sure that they will never again have the chance to submerge Europe and the world in blood. Remember for as long as you are in Germany that you would not be there at all if German crimes had not made this war inevitable, and that it is only by the sacrifice of thousands upon thousands of your fellow countrymen and Allies, and at a cost of untold suffering at home and abroad through five long years, that British troops are at last on German soil. Think first of all this when you are tempted to sympathise with those who to-day are reaping the fruits of their policy, both in peace and war. 

 TO BEGIN WITH

YOU are going into Germany. You are going there as part of the Forces of the United Nations which have already dealt shattering blows on many fronts to the German war-machine, the most ruthless the world has ever known. You will find yourselves, perhaps for some time, among the people of an enemy country; a country that has done its utmost to destroy us-by bombing, by U -boat attacks, by military action whenever its armies could get to grips with ours, and by propaganda. But most of the people you will see when you get to Germany will not be airmen or soldiers or U-boat crews, but ordinary civilians-men, women and children. Many of them will have suffered from overwork, underfeeding and the effects of air raids, and you may be tempted to feel sorry for them. You have heard how the German armies behaved in the countries they occupied, most of them neutral countries, attacked without excuse or warning. You have heard how they carried off men and women to forced labour, how they looted, imprisoned, tortured and killed. THERE WILL BE NO BRUTALITY ABOUT A BRITISH OCCUPATION, BUT NEITHER WILL THERE BE SOFTNESS OR SENTIMENTALITY. You may see many pitiful sights. Hard luck stories may somehow reach you. Some of them may be true, at least in part, but most will be hypocritical attempts to win sympathy. For, taken as a whole, the German is brutal when he is winning, and is sorry for himself and whines for sympathy when he is beaten. So BE ON YOUR GUARD AGAINST "PROPAGANDA" IN THE FORM OF HARD-LUCK STORIES. Be fair and just, but don't be soft. You must also remember that most Germans have heard only the German side of the war and of the events that led up to it. They were forbidden to listen to any news except that put out by their own Propaganda Ministry, and were savagely punished if they disobeyed. So most of them have a completely false impression of what has happened, and will put about-perhaps in good faith-stories that are quite untrue. The impression you have gained of world events is much nearer the truth than the distorted conceptions spread by the German Propaganda Ministry. So don't let yourself be taken in by plausible statements. Of course there are Germans who have been against the Nazis all along, though few of those who tried to do anything about it have survived to tell the tale. Even those Germans who have been more or less anti-Nazi will have their axe to grind. But there is no need for you to bother about German attempts to justify themselves. All that matters at present is that you are about to meet a STRANGE PEOPLE IN A STRANGE, ENEMY COUNTRY. 

 Your Supreme Commander has issued an order forbidding fraternisation with Germans, but there will probably be occasions when you will have to deal with them, and for that reason it is necessary to know something about what sort of people they are. 

 THE GERMAN LAND 

GERMANY is a big country. In area it is twice as big, and in population about one and a half times as big, as England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland together. As the map on pages 32 and 33 shows you, Germany is landlocked except for the tideless Baltic in the north and a short coastline on the North Sea. In the east and west its frontiers are not defined by great mountains and rivers, which is one reason perhaps why the Germans are always trying to push them further out. Its greatest rivers, the Rhine, Elbe, Oder and Danube, are not purely German, since they flow through other countries before reaching the sea. The climate in North-Western Germany is rather like that in Britain, but as you go south or east you will find it hotter in summer and colder in winter than it is at home. There is more rain in Western Germany than in the east, but everywhere you will get more fine, hot days in summer and more crisp, bright cold in winter.

 Germany has a great variety of scenery. In the north is a great plain, bare except for occasional pine forests and studded with lakes; it is a continuation of the plains of Russia and Poland. In Central Germany the hilly uplands are thickly forested. The valley of the Rhine with its sudden hills, its vineyards and old castles, is well known to English tourists, and further south you come through the foothills to the German Alps. 

Industry. Germany is highly industrial. The German "Black Country" is in the west on the Rhine and Ruhr, where what is left of the towns of Cologne, Dortmund, Düsseldorf, Duisburg, Essen, Bochum and many others familiar from our Air Ministry reports, form one great continuous industrial area. Other great centres of manufacture are in Thuringia and Saxony (Central Germany) and in the eastern province of Silesia. The north-western port of Hamburg, which is about half as big again as Glasgow is probably the most "English" of German towns. It has always had close commercial ties with this country. Seventy years ago, Berlin, the capital, was about the size of Manchester. Now, with a population of nearly four and a half millions, it is over one-third as big as Greater London. It is the seat of government of the German "Reich" and is practically surrounded by a broad belt of industrial plants. The German transport system was one of the best in Europe. Apart from its excellent railways, much use was made of the great natural waterways, like the Rhine, which were connected by a system of canals. One of Hitler's positive achievements was to build hundreds of miles of first-class motor-roads, though his object in doing so was largely military. These are called Autobahnen (car-ways). 

 THE GERMAN STORY 

THE most interesting fact about German history is that GERMANY DID NOT EXIST AS A NATION UNTIL 1871. Before then it consisted of a number of states each with its own court, its own laws and customs barriers. Much the largest of these states was Prussia. The credit (if one can use the word) for uniting these various kingdoms and grand duchies belongs to a Prussian statesman, BISMARCK. BETWEEN 1864 AND 1871 HE ENGINEERED THREE AGGRESSIVE BUT SUCCESSFUL WARS against Denmark, Austria and France, and these victories so impressed the other German States that they entered a confederation under Prussian leadership. This confederation was called the German Reich, and the King of Prussia became German Kaiser (Emperor). The vices of militarism and aggressiveness, often thought to be peculiar to the Prussians, soon infected the whole of Germany. The Germans acquired colonies, chiefly in Africa; they challenged British sea-power by building a powerful fleet. And in 1914 they thought they were strong enough to enforce an unchallenged supremacy in Europe. In alliance with Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria they fought and lost the First World War. After the defeat of 1918 Germany went through a sort of revolution. This revolution was largely lath and plaster, but was accepted by the Germans because they are used to political shams. Some of the politicians of the German Republic, who succeeded the Kaiser in 1918, meant well: they established a parliamentary system which gave to the ordinary German more individual freedom from then to 1933 than before or since. But behind the scenes the real power still remained in the hands of the generals, the great industrialists and landowners and the professional civil servants. They waited and watched for a chance to assert themselves. The chance came with the rise of Adolf Hitler. 

 Rise of Hitler. This ex-corporal of the First Great War was not even a German, but an Austrian who had fought in a German regiment. At first he was considered rather a joke, but his party, the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazi for short), gained millions of supporters during the great slump of 1930-32. He promised the workers a form of socialism; he promised the industrialists more power and bigger profits; he promised both that he would wipe out the Versailles Treaty and create a single "Great German" State. The Nationalist Party (Junkers-that is, feudal landowners enerals and industrialists) believed they could use the Nazis to restore their old privileges. So they persuaded the President, Field Marshal von Hindenburg, to make Hitler Chancellor of the Reich. This was in January, 1933. To secure his election in March, Hitler engineered the Reichstag fire and by attributing it to the Communists made it the excuse for a reign of terror. But the elections in March did not give Hitler's party a clear majority, in spite of the flood of propaganda let loose in his favour from platform, press and radio; the Nationalists, however, supported him, and to make doubly sure he arrested various members of opposition parties who might have voted against him. His next act was to pass a bill which ended parliamentary government and made him Dictator of Germany. Then he began to "discipline" the country. Law was suspended. Jews, Communists, Socialists, Liberals-anyone who had publicly opposed him-were hunted down by Hitler's private Army, the Storm Troops, shot, beaten to death or systematically tortured in concentration camps. HITLER'S AIM WAS SO TO TERRORISE THE GERMAN PEOPLE THAT NO ONE WOULD DARE TO RESIST HIM BY DEED OR WORD. In spite of these bestial cruelties some Germans were brave enough to carry on the struggle against Hitler, but their power was small and most were killed, beaten into acquiescence, or forced to leave the country. Meanwhile the army was rapidly growing; in 1935 conscription was reintroduced; the industrialists began to make great profits out of re-armament; the Junkers had their privileges confirmed, and the Nazis enriched themselves by plunder and confiscation. 

 Political Smash and Grab. When Hitler had established his power in Germany he began to carry out his plan for conquering other nations. IT WAS A PLAN WHICH APPEALED TO THE GERMANS. In March, 1938, German troops occupied Austria. In September, 1938, at Munich, the British and French Prime Ministers, who knew their countries were quite unprepared for war, reluctantly agreed to the Nazi annexation of important border areas of Czechoslovakia, where many of the people were of German speech. In March, 1939, the rest of Czechoslovakia was occupied-a flagrant breach of Hitler's promise to Mr. Chamberlain only six months before. It was now obvious to everyone that Hitler's dreams of conquest knew no bounds. His next victim was to be Poland. Prussia had held parts of Poland for a hundred and fifty years until, in 1918, the Poles at last won back their freedom. Now Hitler resolved to enslave them again. The British and French Governments solemnly warned him that an attack on Poland would bring both countries into the war. Hitler, drunk with easy successes, did not believe that we would fight. He thought we were too "decadent." On I st September, 1939, he seized the Free City of Danzig, his armies entered Poland and the Second World War had begun. 

 WHAT THE NAZIS HAVE DONE TO GERMANY 

WHEN Germany is defeated, Hitler and his gang of Nazi leaders will be swept away but it will not be possible to make a clean sweep of the millions of Germans who have at some time worn the Nazi badge. The system will leave a deep mark on German life, and if you are to understand the Germans you must know something of how it worked. Germany under the Nazis is a "totalitarian state." Hitler is the Dictator, or "Fuhrer" (Leader). He not only doubles the parts of president and chancellor; he is supreme law-giver, supreme judge, head of the civil service, commander-in-chief of the armed forces and leader of the Nazi Party. The Cabinet is there merely to advise him; the parliament (Reichstag) is there merely to hear his decisions and applaud. His position is more despotic than that of King John in England, before Magna Carta limited his powers more than 700 years ago. At the head of each of the 15 States into which Germany is divided is one of Hitler's yes-men. These state governors (Reichs-Statthalter) appoint the provincial officials; they, on their part, appoint their subordinates and so on down to the smallest employee. No one can be a state or municipal servant in Nazi Germany unless Hitler and Hitler's yes-men are convinced of his loyalty to themselves. But that is only half the story. 

 The Nazi Party. Side by side and interlocking with the Nazi Government is the Nazi Party. The Party has its network of officials from the Gauleiter, who controls one of the 42 gaus into which Germany is divided for purposes of Party organisation, down to the Blockwart with the modest job of ruling a block of flats. Although the same man is often both a government official and a Party official, the functions of the government and the Party are theoretically distinct. The Party's main concern is to keep the people's faith and enthusiasm for Hitler at boiling point and to turn on the heat for any who are still luke-warm. The function of the government is to carry out Hitler's decrees in practice and run the country on the lines he has laid down. The national army is, of course, in the service of the government, but the Party has a private army for its own purposes. This Party-army is called the S.A. (STURM-ABTEILUNGEN = STORM TROOPS). 
But in 1934 there was friction between the S.A. and the regular army and Hitler, who wanted to win the regular army's support, massacred many of the leading S.A. men (including their commander, Captain Rohm). Hitler's body-guard, THE S.S. (ScHUTZ-STAFFEL = BLACK GUARDS), a more carefully selected and better drilled body of thugs, then took the place of the S.A. as Hitler's personal armed force on the home front. The notorious GESTAPO (GEHEIME STAATS-POLIZEI = SECRET STATE POLICE), which is responsible for hunting down opponents and killing them or breaking their spirit in concentration camps, is also one of the pillars of Hitler's strength. All other political parties, and also trade unions, co-operative societies, even boy scout troops and religious organisations for children and young people, were abolished or taken over by the Nazi Party so that no German, man, woman or child, could escape their influence. 
When you reach Germany, this evil system will be swept away, but the German people will find it hard to get rid of much of the Nazi creed. "MEIN KAMPF." Hitler's crude and violent beliefs, few of them original in German thought, are laid down in his book, Mein Kampf (My Struggle), which all Germans are supposed to have read. According to Hitler the State is something above the people. The individual must give up his rights, his liberties, his beliefs, even his religion, for what is held to be the good of the State. But Hitler claims that the Germans are a very special people; they are not only Aryans (by which he apparently meant natives of Northern Europe); they are also the Master Race, and their destiny is to rule and lead all other nations. The natural enemies of the Master Race are Non-Aryans (Jews), Bolsheviks and Plutocrats. By "Plutocrats" the Nazis generally mean ourselves and the Americans. Since it is obviously impossible for a Master Race to have been beaten in battle, the Nazis teach that the German armies were not defeated in 1918; Germany would have won, they say, if the Jews, Bolsheviks and other "traitors" inside the country had not "stabbed her in the back." The Christian virtues of kindness and justice are thought to be unworthy of the Master Race, and the Nazis have tried to uproot them. This involved Hitler in a conflict with the churches. He not only tried to suppress the Protestants and Catholics, but also encouraged the Nazis to invent semipagan religions of their own. It seems strange that such wild ideas could impose on a European nation in the 20th century, but WOVEN INTO HITLER'S DOCTRINE ARE MANY DEEP-SEATED GERMAN "COMPLEXES," SUCH AS HATRED OF THE JEWS, A DESIRE TO DOMINEER OVER OTHERS and a readiness to believe that they themselves are being persecuted. Who, you may ask, are these Nazis, who go in for such perverted ideas and cruel practices? In the early days, there were some misled idealists among them, but the leaders are wicked and ambitious men, who have used their power to enrich themselves by plundering first their fellow Germans and then other nations. In this way they have become fabulously wealthy. They stand outside and above German law; they have been answerable for their crimes to no one but Hitler, and he encouraged them. 

 WHAT THE WAR HAS DONE TO GERMANY 

THE Germany you will see is a very different place from the peace-time Germany. If you come in from the west you will enter the mostbombed area in Europe. Here the destruction is many times greater than anything you have seen in London, Coventry or Bristol. Compare these figures: in eleven months (September, 1940, to July, 1941) the Germans dropped 7,500 tons of bombs on London-we dropped nearly 10,000 tons on Duisburg in two attacks between Saturday morning and Sunday morning, the 14th to 15th October, 1944. In western towns from Hamburg south through the industrial Ruhr and Rhineland-with Essen, Diisseldorf, Duisburg and many other centres-and east to Nuremberg and Munich, you will see areas that consist largely of heaps of rubble and roofless, windowless shells. Cities like Berlin and Hanover in Central Germany will be no better off. In all these places communal life has been broken up. Mass evacuations have been carried out, not only of children, but of the grown-up population. Only those remained who were needed to staff such factories as could still operate, and to run the civil defence, salvage, police and other essential services. As fast as repairs were made, the R.A. F. blasted them and added to the earlier destruction. Tens of thousands of Germans have been killed or injured in these raids, hundreds of thousands have lost their belongings and could not replace them because of the shortage of goods. 

The Biter Bit. In Western and Central Germany you will find a war area of bleak poverty and devastation. The Germans have been well and truly paid for what they did to Warsaw, Rotterdam and Belgrade. But the German people have had other things to bear. Probably more than three and a half million German soldiers have been killed in action and another million severely wounded. The supply of food for German civilians was restricted even before war began so that they could have "guns instead of butter." During the war their rations have been a good deal lower than ours; they have had much less meat, bread and milk and the quality of the food was inferior. Many of the people you will see in the towns may be undernourished, though not starving like the people of Poland and Greece. On top of all this the German workers who remained in industry, and the millions of women who were drafted into the factories, have been worn out by long hours of hard work, which often followed sleepless nights in air-raid shelters. You must therefore expect to find a population that is hungry, exhausted and on the verge of despair. You will probably find that public services and supplies are working very imperfectly, and it will be urgently necessary to get them going again. Apart from the partial breakdown due to bombing and defeat, the collapse of the Nazi Party will mean that a good deal of routine work is left undone, for in addition to their main task of regimenting their fellowGermans, the local Nazi officials have done many useful jobs of organisation and relief. 

To complete the picture, you are likely to find bands of FOREIGN WORKERS trying to make their way home, mostly men and women WHO WERE CARRIED OFF TO GERMANY AND FORCED TO WORK THERE AS SLAVES OF THE GERMAN WARMACHINE. By the end of the war there will be millions of these foreign workers-Russians, French, Poles, Czechs, Belgians, Italians and others-working in Germany. Prisoners of war, of whom Germany has several millions, will also have to be collected from camps, farms and the factories and sent back to their homes. 

  WHAT THE GERMANS ARE LIKE 

When you meet the Germans you will probably think they are very much like us. They look like us, except that there are fewer of the wiry type and more big, fleshy, fair-haired men and women, especially in the north. But they are not really so much like us as they look. The Germans have, of course, many good qualities. They are very hard working and thorough; they are obedient and have a great love of tidiness and order. They are keen on education of a formal sort, and are proud of their "culture" and their appreciation of music, art and literature. But for centuries they have been trained to submit to authority-not because they thought their rulers wise and right, but because obedience was imposed on them by force. The old Prussian army-and the Nazi army too-set out intentionally to break the spirit of recruits. They were made to do stupid and humiliating things in order to destroy their self respect and turn them into unquestioning fighting machines. This method produced a formidable military force, but it did not produce good human beings. It made the Germans cringe before authority. That is one reason why they accepted Hitler. He ordered them about, and most of them liked it. It saved them the trouble of thinking. All they had to do was obey and leave the thinking to him. It also saved them, they thought, from responsibility. The vile cruelties of the Gestapo and S.S. were nothing to do with them. They did not order them; they did not even want to know about them. The rape of Norway, Holland and Belgium was not their business. It was the business of Hitler and the General Staff. That is the tale that will be told over and over again by the Germans. They will protest with deep sincerity that they are as innocent as a babe in arms. BUT THE GERMAN PEOPLE CANNOT SLIDE OUT OF THEIR RESPONSIBILITY QUITE so EASILY. You must remember that Hitler became Chancellor in a strictly legal way. Nearly half the German electors voted for him in the last (comparatively) free election of 1933. With the votes of his Nationalist allies he had a clear majority. The Germans knew what he stood for -it was in his book-and they approved it. Hitler was immensely popular with the majority of Germans: they regarded him as the restorer of German greatness. They welcomed the abolition of unemployment although they knew that it arose from conscription and rearmament. AFTER THE FALL OF FRANCE MOST GERMANS SUPPORTED HIS MILITARY CONQUESTS WITH ENTHUSIASM. IT WAS ONLY WHEN THEY FELT THE COLD WIND OF DEFEAT THAT THEY DISCOVERED THEIR CONSCIENCES. 

 The Mind of the German. 

 The Germans adore military show. In Nazi Germany everyone has a uniform. If it isn't the uniform of the Army, Navy or Air Force, it is that of the S.A., S.S. or some other Party organisation. Even the little boys and girls have been strutting about in the uniform of the Hitler Youth or the Union of German Girls. Such uniforms may still impress the Germans, but they will not impress you. But you must do justice to the position of the ordinary German policeman. He will have no authority over British troops, but you should do nothing to make more difficult any task he may be allotted by the Allies. THE UNIFORMS YOU WILL RESPECT ARE THOSE OF THE BRITISH AND ALLIED FORCES. 

 It is important that you should BE SMART AND SOLDIERLY in appearance and behaviour. The Germans think nothing of a slovenly soldier. You will run across Germans who are genuinely ashamed of being Germans. Even before Hitler made Germany universally hated, they had a sense of national inferiority. They felt that other nations, like the British, Americans and French, were somehow ahead of them. There is little doubt that Hitler realised this, and used his theory of the Master Race to overcome it. He tried to make the Germans think well of themselves, and he overdid it. There will be some especially the young ones-who have swallowed the tale that they are members of the Master Race, and are therefore our superiors. There is no need to say much more about German brutality; it has been unmistakably revealed in the Nazi methods of governing and of waging war. But you may think it strange that the Germans are at the same time sentimental. They love melancholy songs; they easily get sorry for themselves; even childless old couples insist on having their Christmas tree. German soldiers would play with Polish or Russian children, and yet there are enough authentic reports of these same children being shot or burnt or starved to death. This mixture of sentimentality and callousness does not show a well-balanced mind. The Germans are not good at controlling their feelings. They have a streak of hysteria. You will find that Germans may often fly into a passion if some little thing goes wrong. 

 How Hitler moulded them. Hitler set to work, for his own purposes, to cultivate these weaknesses and vices of the German character. He wanted his Nazis to be still more brutal because he thought that in this way he could terrify the German nation, and other nations too, into submission. Tens of thousands of young men in the S.S. have been systematically trained as torturers and executioners. Some went mad in the process, but others reached a point where they can commit any atrocity with indifference or even with pleasure. Ordinary members of the public have been taught to spy on each other. Little boys and girls in the Hitler Youth have been encouraged to denounce their parents and teachers if they let slip some incautious criticism of Hitler or his government. The result is that no one in Nazi Germany can trust his fellows, friendship and family affection have been undermined, and thousands of anti-Nazi Germans have been forced to pretend---even in their own homes-that they admire the men and principles which in their hearts they despise. Lying and hypocrisy became a necessity. Hitler's own breaches of faith---especially in his dealings with other nations-were represented as skilful diplomacy. The Germans admired his success and came to admire his methods. Worst of all, perhaps, it has been drummed into German children in the schools and Hitler Youth that might is right, war the finest form of human activity and Christianity just slushy sentiment. By cramming children's minds with Nazi ideas and preventing any other ideas from reaching them, Hitler hoped to breed a race of robots after his own heart. We cannot yet judge to what extent this inhuman plan has succeeded. So YOU WILL NOT BE SURPRISED IF THE GERMAN PROVES TO BE LESS LIKE US THAN HE APPEARS AT FIRST SIGHT. This does not mean that all Germans are liars, hypocrites and brutes. Even Nazi methods of education have not been so successful as all that; but it does mean that the national character of the Germans has worsened a good deal under Nazi influence. 

 Be on your Guard. When you deal with Germans you must be on your guard. WE WERE TAKEN IN BY THEM AFTER THE LAST WAR: many of us swallowed their story about the "cruel" Treaty of Versailles, although it was really far more lenient than the terms they themselves had imposed on Russia only a year before; many of us believed their talk about disarmament and the sincerity of their desire for peace. And so we let ourselves in for this war, which has been a good deal bigger than the last. THERE ARE SIGNS THAT THE GERMAN LEADERS ARE ALREADY MAKING PLANS FOR A THIRD WORLD WAR. THAT MUST BE PREVENTED AT ALL COSTS. 

When you get to Germany it is possible that some civilians will welcome your arrival, and may even look on you as their liberators from Hitler's tyranny. These will be among the Germans who consistently opposed Hitler during his years of success. Not that they made speeches against him or committed sabotage: any who did that are unlikely to be alive to welcome you. But there are many who kept their own counsel and passively opposed Hitler all along. As a rule they are loyal members of the political parties suppressed by Hitler, mostly workers, but often honest people of the middle classes. Or they are Catholics or Protestants, who have opposed Hitler because of his persecution of Christianity. BUT MANY GERMANS WILL PRETEND THEY HAVE BEEN ANTI-NAZIS SIMPLY BECAUSE THEY WANT TO BE ON THE WINNING SIDE. 

Among them will be many doubtful characters. Even those who seem to have the best intentions cannot be regarded as trustworthy; they are almost certain to have some axe to grind. That is one of the reasons why you have been instructed not to fraternise with the Germans. There are fanatical young Nazis-girls as well as boyswhose heads and hearts are still full of the vicious teachings they absorbed in the Hitler Youth. Their talk, if you ever heard it, might sound plausible and even rather fine, for Hitler's propagandists have naturally dressed up his ideas to make them attractive to the young. But remember that the real meaning of Nazism is shown in its vile practices, not in its fair words. And, quite possibly, you will some day run into one of the genuine thugs, one of the former killers or crooked Nazi bosses. He may try to throw his weight about, or he may cringe and try to curry favour. Such people really respect nothing but force. The authorities will know how to deal with them. 

 WHAT THE GERMANS THINK OF US 

IF we leave the extreme Nazi ideas out of account, the basic German view of the British is something like this: The British do not work so hard as the Germans or take their work so seriously. The British do not organise as well as the Germans. (In fact the German tends to over-organise; this war has shown that our organisation, when we really get down to it, is just as thorough and more flexible.) But on the whole the Germans admire the British. The efforts of the German Propaganda Ministry to stir up hatred against us have not been, in spite of the R.A.F. raids, a great success. It is probable that of all the occupying troops of the United Nations we and the Americans will be the least unwelcome. Even Hitler had a grudging respect for us, as he admitted in Mein Kampf. He envied us the British Empire and admired the national qualities that went to building it up-imagination, enterprise and tough endurance. He thought we had grown decadent and lost them. Our fighting forces-and the civilians at home-have proved the contrary.

 Germans believe we have other national virtues. They think that we are fair, decent and tolerant and that we have political common sense. Now that the Nazi dream of world-conquest has been shattered, these homely qualities look all the more attractive, and many Germans would probably say to-day that their ideal of the new Germany is something like Britain. WHILE YOU ARE SERVING IN GERMANY YOU ARE REPRESENTATIVES OF BRITAIN. 

Your behaviour will decide their opinion of us. It is not that we value their opinion for its own sake. It is good for the Germans, however, to see that soldiers of the British democracy are self-controlled and self-respecting, that in dealing with a conquered nation they can be firm, fair and decent. The Germans will have to become fair and decent themselves, if we are to live with them in peace later on. But the Germans have another pet idea. They claim that we are nationally akin to them, they call us their "cousins." This is part of their theory of the superiority of the Northern races. The likeness, if it exists at all, is only skin-deep. THE DEEPER YOU DIG INTO THE GERMAN CHARACTER, THE MORE YOU REALISE HOW DIFFERENT THEY ARE FROM US. So DON'T BE TAKEN IN BY FIRST IMPRESSIONS. The Germans think of the Americans much in the same way as they think of us, but they do not know them so well and many of their ideas come from Hollywood films, which were once very popular in Germany. That is why they think, for instance, that all Americans are rich. Their first idea of the American troops as "amateur" soldiers has been completely disproved by battle experience. The Germans' attitude to the Russians is quite different. Under Hitler they have been taught to regard the Russians as sub-human. The purpose of this was to remove any scruples they might have had about the barbarous methods of German warfare on the Russian front. The Soviet citizen, Hitler said, was less than a human being, so no treatment could be too cruel for him. The "Bolsheviks" were bracketed with the Jews as Enemy of Mankind No. 1. When the Red Army began to advance Hitler redoubled this propaganda. He hoped to frighten his troops and the civilians at home into resistance to the death. And to some extent he succeeded. The severity of the Red Army's fight for liberation is easy to understand. HITLER, RUNNING TRUE TO FORM, ATTACKED RUSSIA WHILE THE PACT OF FRIENDSHIP HE HAD MADE WITH HER WAS STILL IN FORCE; he has spurred on his soldiers and S.S. to commit atrocities more barbarous than anything in modern history-except their own record in Poland. Ever since the Germans invaded Russia in 1941, their propaganda has been spreading baseless scares about the "Bolshevik menace." The aim was perfectly clear-it was to drive a wedge between us and our Russian ally. Remember this if the Germans try to spread stories against the Red Army.

 HOW THE GERMANS LIVE 

THE INSTRUCTIONS YOU WILL RECEIVE IN GERMANY WILL KEEP YOU VERY MUCH APART FROM THE GERMANS. Probably you will rarely, if ever, enter a house where Germans are living, and neither will you be meeting Germans on social occasions; but you should know something of how they live so as to understand what is going on around you. Life in any country of Central or Western Europe is notunder peace-time conditions-very different from what it is at home, but there are quite a lot of smaller differences. For instance there isFood. Probably you will seldom come across food cooked in the German way. Even if you do, it may be very different from pre-war German food. It is likely to be a long time before German supplies get back to normal. At its best, German cooking produces some characteristic and appetising dishes. The chief difference from English cooking is in the treatment of vegetables. In place of the English boiled greens the Germans serve a white pickled cabbage called Sauerkohl (sour cabbage) or a red cabbage called Rotkohl. Both are very tasty if you eat them with Wiener Schnitzel (fried veal) or Schweine-kotelett (fried pork cutlet). The Germans prefer pork and veal to beef and mutton, and cook them better. But the staple meat dish is the sausage. The best German sausage is eaten cold and there are hundreds of varieties of it. Two excellent kinds of sausage are Mettwurst (Wurst = sausage) and Leberwurst (liver sausage). The Germans are very fond of Torten (pastries), with Schlagsahne (whipped cream), but it will be some time before such luxuries are obtainable again at the Konditorei (confectioner's). The Germans don't know how to make tea, but they are quite expert with coffee. However, for the present their coffee is "ersatz.

 "Beer is best." The favourite German drink is beer. Under war conditions it has been diluted much more even than English beer, but normally it is regarded as the pleasantest beer in Europe. There are hundreds of brews; two of the most famous are Miinchener (from Munich) and Pilsener (from Pilsen in Czechoslovakia). Local beers are either light (hell) or dark (dunkel). All German beers are iced. Western Germany produces some of the choicest wine on the Continent, such as Moselle wine and Rhine wine (which we call "hock"). Compared with prices in Britain wine is cheap. Whiskey and gin will be scarce and of poor quality ( unless imported from Britain), BUT THERE ARE MANY KINDS OF SPIRITS CALLED SCHNAPS. THE CHEAPER SORTS ARE GUARANTEED TO TAKE THE SKIN OFF ONE'S THROAT. 

 Entertajnrnent. Entertainment will be provided for you by E.N.S.A. in your own camp or barracks and most German places of entertainment will be out of bounds. The Germans, of course, will be going to cinemas where it is probable that British, American and Russian films will be shown. There may also be German films-non-political ones. But German films, which were very good before 1933, suffered like so many other things because Hitler insisted on making them an instrument of Nazi propaganda, and there may at first be very few available which are free from this taint. This is also true of German plays. 

Sport. The Germans have only taken to sport during the last thirty years, but they are keen and capable performers. They learnt most of their sport from us. Football is the most popular game, but is played less vigorously than in Britain; charging is regarded as rough play. Football is entirely amateur, and "pools" are unknown. There is no cricket, but plenty of athletics, some tennis and a little golf. Boxing and wrestling are both popular spectacles, and the Germans go in for a good deal of cycle racing. 

Health. The standards of health, normally high, have fallen as a result of the war. Venereal diseases are prevalent. A GERMAN EXPERT STATED (MAY, 1943), "VENEREAL DISEASES STRIKE AT EVERY FOURTH PERSON BETWEEN THE AGES OF 15 AND41." 

Women. Before Hitler came to power the German woman was winning the same freedom to live her own life as British women enjoy, but the Nazis took away her newly won rights and made her again the traditional Hausfrau (housewife). Shortage of man-power in war time brought German women back into the professions, but only on sufferance. Under the shock of defeat standards of personal honour, already undermined by the Nazis, will sink still lower. Numbers of German women will be willing, if they can get the chance, to make themselves cheap for what they can get out of you. After the last war prostitutes streamed into the zone occupied by British and American troops. They will probably try this again, even though this time you will be living apart from the Germans. Be on your guard. Most of them will be infected. MARRIAGES BETWEEN MEMBERS OF BRITISH FORCES AND GERMANS ARE, AS YOU KNOW, FORBIDDEN. But for this prohibition such marriages would certainly take place. Germany will not be a pleasant place to live in for some time after the war, and German girls know that, if they marry British husbands, they will become British with all the advantages of belonging to a victor nation instead of to a vanquished one. Many German girls will be just waiting for the chance to marry a Briton-whether they care for him or not. When once they had their marriage lines he would have served his purpose. During the last occupation there were a number of marriages between British soldiers and German girls. The great majority of these marriages soon came to grief. When the couples returned to England they found themselves lonely and friendless, and this resulted only in unhappiness for the wife, the husband and the children. That is one reasonthough not the only one-why this time they will not be allowed. 


 
Religion. Large parts of Germany have been Protestant since the Reformation in the early 16th century, when Martin Luther led the revolt against the papacy. To-day about twothirds of Germany is Protestant and one-third Catholic; the Protestants are strongest in North and Central Germany, the Catholics in the west, south and south-east. Many of the Catholic churches are of great beauty and antiquity. Some, like Cologne Cathedral, have unfortunately suffered in raids, but there are many other noble and ancient churches which are well worth seeing. A few of the most famous are: in Central Germany, the cathedrals of Naumburg and Hildesheim; in South Germany those of Speyer, Bamberg and Worms. 

Music. The Germans are extremely fond of music and have produced composers and performers of great eminence. Beethoven, Bach, Brahms, Wagner were all Germans. There are fine concerts of classical music in most of the larger German towns. Jazz and Swing are frowned on by the Nazis because they are not considered Nordic, but the Germans are fond of dancing, and some dance bands are still playing the latest American and British hits. 

 Literature. Many of the best German writers had opposed Hitler before his advent to power or had expressed a view of life contrary to Fascism. Their books were therefore banned in Germany and copies of many of them publicly burnt. Jewish writers, some of whom had been in the front rank, were also banned. It has been difficult for a writer to earn a living in Germany unless he was willing to use his talents to spread Nazi ideas. So if you know German and wish to read German books you will find few that are not tainted by Hitlerpropaganda, unless they were written by anti-Nazi refugees and published abroad. For the same reasons, modern painters and scientists of independent thought have been silenced or forced to escape from the great intellectual prison of Hitler-Germany. It will take a long time for Germany to reach again the high level she had attained in the things of the mind under the free republic that preceded Hitler.

 General. The rule of the road is: Keep to the Right-not to the Left as in Britain. In Germany every town and village has a mayor (Burgermeister); if it is a town with a population of over 20,000 he is probably called an Oberburgermeister. But whatever his title, he has essential administrative duties to perform and is a more important official than his opposite number in England. IF YOU HAVE TO GIVE ORDERS TO GERMAN CIVILIANS, GIVE THEM IN A FIRM, MILITARY MANNER. THE GERMAN CIVILIAN IS USED TO IT AND EXPECTS IT. The Germans are very short of clothes and foot-wear. Look out for attempts to steal, beg or buy your boots, shirts and underclothes. You don't need to be told that it is a serious offence to sell or give away Government property. IF YOU SHOULD BE BILLETED IN A GERMAN HOUSEHOLD-THOUGH THIS WILL VERY SELDOM HAPPEN-BE COURTEOUS BUT ALOOF, AVOID LOOSE TALK AND LOOSE CONDUCT, AND KEEP YOUR EYES AND EARS OPEN. With their habitual reverence for all things military, the Germans will be quick to notice any slackness in the dress or bearing of British troops. Don't let your Country or your Unit down. It is only natural that Germans who have suffered personally under Nazi oppression will try to take revenge on their local tyrants. They will regard this as their own affair and will resent interference. Don't go looking for trouble. THE NAZIS HAVE HAD GREAT EXPERIENCE IN ORGANISING INCIDENTS TO CAUSE TROUBLE OR TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC OPINION. The die-hards (mostly young products of the Hitler Youth) may try to play similar tricks even when their country has been occupied. IF THE INCIDENT IS SMALL, KEEP YOUR HEAD AND REFUSE TO BE IMPRESSED OR PUT OUT OF COUNTENANCE. IF IT IS BIG, THE ALLIED AUTHORITIES WILL DEAL WITH IT. As soon as the pressure of Hitlerism is removed, political parties will spring up again. Even if they have names similar to our parties they will have different problems and different aims. STEER CLEAR OF ANYTHING CONNECTED WITH GERMAN POLITICS. 

 MONEY 

 THE smallest German coin is the Pfennig. 100 Pfennigs make one Mark or more formally "Reichsmark." When you enter Germany you will be given official information about the number of Marks which go to the£. German coins at present in circulation are: 1, 5, and IO Pfennig pieces, made of zinc, 5 and IO Pfennig pieces made of an aluminium-bronze alloy, an aluminium 50 Pfennig piece, and 2 Mark and 5 Mark pieces of a silvercopper alloy. In addition to these coins you may come across the following notes: 1, 2 and 5 Mark notes issued by the Rentenbank, and 10, 20, 50, 100 and 1 ,ooo Mark notes issued by the Reichsbank. WHEREVER YOU ARE STATIONED IN GERMANY YOU WILL FIND AT FIRST THAT THERE IS PRACTICALLY NOTHING TO BUY. Food, clothing and tobacco will be severely rationed; there will be no little things you can send home as gifts; the shops will be empty. YouR NEEDS WILL BE LOOKED AFTER BY NAVY, ARMY AND R.A.F. ISSUE AND THE NAAFI STORES. The only thing you can buy from the Germans will be a glass of beer or wine. It will be a long time before the basic needs of the German population are satisfied and inessential goods are again produced. So for the time being there is little you can do with your pay except save it. You should therefore draw the minimum. 

 MAKING YOURSELF UNDERSTOOD 

ENGLISH is taught in all German secondary schools and is a compulsory subject in most; it is also taught in large numbers of commercial and language schools throughout the country, so that many Germans have at least a smattering of English. In any hotel or larger restaurant, or government or municipal office, or large shop, there will almost certainly be someone who speaks English. But in the depths of the country or in working-class districts, you may have to speak German if you cannot get through with the language of signs. Many German words are similar to English, especially those in most common use. For instance, Mann= man, Haus = house, Garten = garden, butter = butter, and Brot = bread. This is because the two languages have grown largely from the same root. 

 A list of words and phrases is printed at the end of this book, and indications are given of how to pronounce them. The pronunciation is straightforward except for two or three German sounds which we do not use in English. The golden rule in trying to speak a language you do not know is to be as simple as possible. Take a two-year-old child as our model. Don't try to make sentences; use nouns and verbs. At the beginning try to ask questions which can be answered by Ja (yes) or Nein (no). Speak in a normal voice; you will not make your meaning any clearer by shouting. If you are not understood, point to the word or sentence in your list of phrases. 

 DO'S 

REMEMBER you are a representative of the British Commonwealth. 

KEEP your eyes and ears open. 

BE SMART and soldierly in dress and bearing. 

AVOID loose talk and loose conduct. 

BE FIRM AND FAIR in any dealings with Germans. 

KEEP GERMANS AT A DISTANCE, even those with whom you have official dealings. 

STEER CLEAR of all disputes between German political parties. 

GO EASY on Schnaps. 

REMEMBER that in Germany "venereal diseases strike at every fourth person between the ages of 15 and 41."

 

 DON'TS 

DON'T sell or give away dress or equipment. 

DON'T be sentimental. If things are tough for the Germans they have only themselves to blame. They made things much worse for the innocent people of the countries they occupied. 

DON'T believe German accounts of the war or the events that led up to it. The Gennans got their ideas on these subjects from lying propaganda. 

DON'T fall for political hard-luck stories. 

DON'T believe tales against our Allies or the Dominions. They are aimed at sowing ill will between us. DON'T be taken in by surface resemblances between the Germans and ourselves. 

DON'T go looking for trouble. 

 WORDS AND PHRASES 

Note on Pronunciation 

IN German, the letters of the alphabet are pronounced differently from what they are in English. Therefore under each German word in the following list is an English spelling which reproduces as nearly as possible the sound of the German. It does not always give the sound of the German quite correctly, because there are a few sounds in German which do not exist in English at all and therefore there is no English way of spelling them. In such cases the English spelling has been chosen which comes nearest to the German sound. If you speak plainly, your meaning should be quite clear, and that is all that matters at this stage. Note the following points about this English spelling of German sounds:

1. The syllables printed in italics are those on which the accent falls. E.g.fahter (father), zoldahten (soldiers). 

2. Where a hyphen (-) is inserted, there is a natural break in the word. E.g. vyter-fahren (drive on),fahr-raht (bicycle). 

3. The g sound is always like g in GO, and never like g in GEORGE. 

4. The ow sound is always like ow in HOW. 

5. The y sound is always as in MY and not as in CITY. 

6. The r should be pronounced, except in the sound ur.

[Skipped section on words and phrases]

 SECURITY NOTE

If there is no open fighting in the part of Germany in which you find yourself you may think that there is no longer any special need for security. This is not the case. Germans must still be regarded as dangerous enemies until the final Peace Settlement has been concluded and after the occupation of Germany has ended. Security is therefore as important as ever. In battle, breaches of security may cost men's lives; under conditions behind the line the danger is not so immediate. Such breaches will, however, assist those Germans who are working under-ground against us, and, make no mistake about it, there will be plenty of them. You will have read in this book all about the character of the Germans, and will know what to expect from them, especially from the Nazi elements. Your attention should therefore be firmly and continually fixed on the following points with regard to which the necessity for security remains paramount:

1. Attempts by propaganda and agents to secure sympathy for the German people and to convince you that they have had a raw deal. 

2. Attempts by propaganda and agents to create ill-feeling between us and our Allies, and in particular to stir up antiRussian feeling. 

3. Attempts to sabotage, and to injure the Allied Forces in Germany. 

4. Attempts to obtain information as to the movements, dispositions and activities of our Forces, and other information of a military nature, such as advance information of projected operations, search parties, raids and similar intentions. 

 In order to combat this, you should constantly bear in mind the following:

Be careful what you say-not only to civilians, but in their hearing. Many more Germans than you think understand and speak English. Be guarded in what you say on the telephone. Remember that a telephone line is never private. Remember that propaganda will be used in many forms-some crude and obvious, but much of it subtle and difficult to recognise. Don't be too ready to listen to stories told by attractive women. They may be acting under orders. Pay especial attention to security of documents, and don't leave letters and private diaries lying about. Although apparently harmless, they may contain information of value to the enemy. Report any suspicious characters at once to your Unit Security Officer or to a Field Security Officer. If you have to check identity documents, be scrupulously thorough in assuring yourself that the bearer is all that he claims to be. And finally never leave weapons or ammunition unguarded. Remember the saboteur and the assassin. 

Life in Germany will demand your constant vigilance, alertness and self-confidence. Each one of you has a job to do. See that you carry it through, however irksome it may seem, with goodwill and determination. The more thorough we are now the less likely are we to have trouble in the future. 

Saturday, 23 August 2025

Ninth Circuit Limits Intrusive DMCA Subpoenas

 Some good news in the world of copyright, the United States Ninth Circuit has decided to enforce limits on spurious DMCA actions. 

 The Ninth Circuit upheld an important limitation on Digital Millenium Copyright Act (DMCA) subpoenas that other federal courts have recognized for more than two decades. The DMCA, a misguided anti-piracy law passed in the late nineties, created a bevy of powerful tools, ostensibly to help copyright holders fight online infringement. Unfortunately, the DMCA’s powerful protections are ripe for abuse by “copyright trolls,” unscrupulous litigants who abuse the system at everyone else’s expense.

Full story at the Electronic Freedom Foundation

Yes that's right, in addition to restricting use and reuse of material, copyright legislation gives copyright holders and those who represent them or claim to do so sweeping powers to collect private information. To demonstrate how ludicrous this situation is, I'll disclose that when appealing or submitting counter notices for use of public domain material and material I created I have had to give up personal information in order to register the challenge, and this is one-sided I cannot request the same information from the other side.

Even more, worryingly, once an acquaintance of mine had to get a lawyer to stop YouTube from giving up his personal information to a copyright claimant. After some back and forth, it was revealed that the copyright claimant had no connection to the IP in question, and was an open Neo-Nazi who was attempting to use the system to track down my acquaintance via the copyright takedown system. That is an extreme example, but really anyone could use these tools to harvest information and target people, and this was perfectly legal with no recourse for the victims.

There really is no need for a legitimate copyright claimant to know the personal information of anyone, if copyright is being infringed and actual harm is being done then shutting down the unauthorised distribution solves that issue. Everything else that comes with it be it fines, prison time, or losing your right to privacy is just a punitive tool for the powerful at the expense of the average citizen. 

So, I'm pleased to see that the EFF has been successful here in lobbying to weaken this tool of intimidation and harassment.  Let's hope there's more to come in the future.

Friday, 15 August 2025

Summary of Marx's Capital by A.P. Hazell

 

 

Karl Marx's Capital is a lengthy work that has been held up by some as the most important text ever written, and derided as absolute drivel by others, with every view point in between represented by smaller groups. It also has a reputation for being very difficult to comprehend. It's true that academic Marxists have turned "Capital Explained" and "Capital for Dummies" into a lucrative cottage industry. Some of the guides can be very expensive, I guess Capital was an excellent title choice. 

This isn't a new phenomenon, people were explaining what Karl Marx meant while Karl Marx was still alive. There were several officially approved Summaries and commentaries in circulation, Karl Marx personally believed that Carlo Cafiero's 1879 Summary was the best out there. Cafiero was an Italian Anarchist, and his version didn't get translated into English until 2020.

 While reading through a book on British working class literature, it mentioned another early example of an attempt to spread the ideas of Capital throughout the public. This time in the English language, A.P. Hazell's Summary. I wasn't able to find out much information about the author I do not in fact know what the A.P. stood for, nor can I find the first publication. The copy I managed to track down was published in Canada in the early 1900s by the Socialist Party of Canada, I don't have an exact date for publication, but that party was founded in 1904 and disbanded in 1925 and the general remarks sections of the book make no reference to events that happened later than 1910, no commentary on the First World War for example or the Russian Revolution. 

I could find many expensive second hand copies for sale, so will be reproducing my transcription here. My pdf copy was surprisingly legible despite the passage of time, though there were several passages that were faded, requiring some estimations as to the contents. The text is in two parts, the first is an explanation of what Hazell considers the key points of the first Volume of Capital, the second which starts with General Remarks is a borader argument in favour of what is know known as Marxist Social Democracy. Her strategy for transforming capitalist society into a socialist one has aged must worse than the text itself. The strategy she outlines was followed in pretty much all major economies to a greater or lesser degree, and far from increasing class consciousness amongst the masses they stagnated and remain stuck in a cycle of competing styles of capitalistic organisation. Still I find value here as both a time capsule and as a warning for the socialists of today.

  Summary of Marx's Capital by  A.P. Hazell

 

Marx was attracted as a young man to the working class movement which was then fermenting in Germany and throughout the Continent of Europe. In 1848, a now celebrated period in the history of the German workers, the ruling classes were afraid of an actual general revolution, and there was some ground for their alarm, for the young men of broad minds and keen intellect, &among whom was Karl Marx, had been drawn into the revolutionary vortex of the hour.


Marx father, who had formally adopted the Christian religion for political reasons, had great hopes of the future of his son as a government official. Marx, however, pursued a course of his own. He became a press controversialist and agitator, finally accepting the editorship of a revolutionary organ. The police were commissioned to give him no quarter, and he was, consequently, exiled, first from one country and then from another, until he was forced to come to England, where he resided till his death.


Political economy and general philosophy had always been favourite subjects with Marx, and he found his acquaintance with them of invaluable assistance to him in his polemical discussions with the ordinary scribes of the capitalist press. He resolved, at the earliest possible moment, to attack the orthodox economists, and with this aim he published his first criticism on political economy, which, strange to say, has only recently been published in the English language in America.


In his English retreat he further developed his first essay, which he ultimately expanded into his celebrated work, entitled "Capital: An Analysis of the Capitalist System of Production," the latter part of which is not yet printed in English.


The object of this pamphlet is to give a brief outline of the contents of Marx's work, so that the reader may readily see how he deals with the economic problem.


Marx's Proposition.


Is that "Labor is the Source of All Wealth" The true value of a social product he says, is the amount of actual labor It contains, its quantity being measurable by time.


Why one man is poor and another one rich Marx proves to be due to exploitation, which has its genesis in the subjection of man to man, which in time became sanctioned by custom, evolving various social grades of workers, such as we see under feudalism, ultimating in our present complicated capitalist system of free exchange and wage-labor. Men may seem to be free contractors, but they are, in fact, so bound by their economic environment that they are forced to toil as a servile race like chattel slaves and serfs did of old, of whom, indeed, they are the real lineal descendants.



The capitalist system is an embodiment of many other economic systems which have preceded it, and thus we often find social conditions which at first sight appear to be in contradiction to the ordinary laws governing capitalism. In the industrial systems preceding the present, the chief aim of the producers was directed to creating commodities that they might sell them for money to obtain commodities of a different kind for the purpose of consumption. That simple system of exchange has passed away. Producers do not now start creating commodities to get money that they may get other commodities o consume, but they commence with money to create commodities that they may sell them for more money. This new set of conditions is peculiar to the capitalist system. The aim of the capitalists being to turn everything into gold, the production of pure and well-made commodities becomes quite a secondary matter to them.


When “honest" capitalists like John Bright[1] easily convince themselves that adulterated goods and child labor are necessary factors in production we cannot expect unscrupulous capitalists to bother about the evil social conditions or the right of the worker to live, so long as they secure their object — unpaid labor converted into gold. Capitalists are impelled by the stress of economic circumstances to bring everything into the vortex of exchange. Thus things, from articles of virtu[sic] to churches, are placed on the market, and priced so that a portion of the surplus-value created in the workshop may come to them, and add to their pile of wealth. They do not trouble whether this or that Is a commodity pure and simple, so long as it secures them a profit on the transaction. By means of the price form of value all sorts of things and all kinds of services are brought within the commodity world.


What Marx has done for political economy is to analyse the capitalist system, in which labor products are created and exchanged as commodities. He has done so with great precision, showing how It is that the worker is compelled to create wealth for which he gets no equivalent whatever. Why the worker subjects himself to the capitalists and goes working on in his misery, even going so far as to repel those who wish to help him. Is a psychological problem which Marx in his work does not feel compelled to answer; but the lines on which he would answer this problem can be clearly perceived in his materialist conception of history where he states that man's material needs govern both his emotional and intellectual being.


Wealth.


The primary form of wealth Is that of use value — a thing which we appropriate for use. Broadly speaking, anything that we use may be termed wealth. We therefore, have to come to this conclusion, that utility is the substance which converts material things Into wealth; meaning by "substance" the principal element which distinguishes It from other things. It is true that things such as the air and the sea are useful, and from the point of view of strict logic ought to be included in our definition. But air and the sea always remain In the simplest form of wealth, and do not, like minerals for Instance, (pass through phases of development until they become regarded, not only as commodities, but as capital. Society, which does not bother about fine distinctions, turns Its attention to the objects of wealth which it dally handles, leaving exact definition to the professional economist, who, in turn, follows society in its indefiniteness.


Commodity.


In the course of time use-values are not only appropriated from Nature, but are created by man. These latter, therefore, become labor products, as well as being use-values. When man takes to a pastoral life, and then to agricultural pursuits, we have an interchange of superfluous products, which creates barter. The benefits accruing from the exchange of these articles are recognized as being so great that there comes a time when products are specially created for the purpose of exchange. It is natural that if a community grows things for Its own consumption and also for the purpose of exchange it should invent a term to distinguish the latter. We might call them either exchange or market products, but society has determined in the name of its economists to call them commodities. It will help us if we are careful in noting how the distinction arises between one form of wealth and that of another, and the reason why. For Instance, why does a labor product become a commodity? — To denote a given usage to which a labor product is put, namely, that of being placed on the market for the purpose of exchange Instead of being used for home consumption In the ordinary way. Usage, then, by means of exchange, converts a labor product into a commodity, and usage likewise performs the same office for the commodity by changing It into money.


Money.


We come to the next development In the form of wealth— that of money.


We see that a commodity is a labor product put to a certain use. Now, money, in its turn, is also a commodity put to a given use, and to denote this usage it is called money. Let us proceed carefully, for if we miss understanding how money comes into existence, we cannot claim to know much of economics. When communities exchanged their labor products they had to barter. If they grew corn, they had to calculate, when they bartered, in this way: So much corn is worth so much salt, so many cattle, so many skins. But this form of calculation is a tedious method. Custom soon found It easier to reverse the process, making everything worth so much corn. Corn and cattle and skins have each been money in their time. And why? Because, being the most staple articles produced, they in the natural order of things became used for the purpose of reckoning. Money, then, is a commodity used for the purpose of reckoning the value of other commodities as a medium of exchange.


When we say salt is worth so much butter, we accept butter as representing value, and salt as the one we wish to measure. Marx is rather careful in pointing out the relations of this transaction, and he characterises one commodity as occupying the relative form of value, and the other the equivalent form of value, which corresponds to the position of two things we weigh In our instance the butter would correspond to the weight and the salt to the article we wish to weigh. The equivalent is the one we accept as representing value, and our object is to find the relative value of the other. From this equivalent form arises what we now term the money-form of the commodity.


Usage determines whether one commodity or another shall be money. The commodity selected for the purpose of reckoning naturally begets a social importance, for anyone who has money can exchange it, as it is accepted as a universal equivalent for every commodity brought to market. To recount: We have, first of all, use-value, then labor-product, then market-product or commodity, then money, and now we come to the next form of wealth — capital. As we have seen, a commodity put to a certain usage becomes money; now, money, in its turn, also gets put to a certain usage, and gets a particular name — that of Capital.


The money-commodity being recognized as the universal equivalent and medium of exchange, and therefore possessing considerable social advantages over any kind of commodity, everyone has need to command a certain quantity of it, and is prepared on occasions to give something to those who will loan it — thus we get usury, or interest. Then, as society evolves and commerce becomes prevalent, merchants find themselves compelled to start production or a business with money. Their object is to make more money out of the transaction, but they do not like the odium attached to those who make money by loans, which Is called interest, so they call their increase of money, profit. Money used for the purpose of begetting profit is now called capital. Let us again review the progress made. We have firstly, use-value, then labor-product, then commodity, then money, then capital. Capital under these conditions possesses the attributes of money of a commodity, of a labor product, and of a use-value combined. Thus capital is wealth, money is wealth, a commodity is wealth, a labor-product is a wealth, a use-value is wealth.



Use-Value, Exchange-Value, and Value.



After defining wealth we come to a disquisition on the most difficult subject of political economy, over which professors discuss without ceasing. But we need not be troubled. Professors of economy want an explanation which accords with their preconceived views, and one which justifies social inequalities; whereas we only want an explanation in accordance with facts. If we care-fully follow the analysis of value, we shall find that it is so easy that we shall be somewhat chagrined at ever imagining it difficult.


We have three values to examine. Two of them are of the concrete order, one of the abstract. But do not be alarmed by the terms of “concrete” and “abstract”. They are terms easily mastered. We arrive at the abstract through the concrete. Take man as an illustration. Our experience tells us of white, red and black men. Our power of reflection informs us that if we abstract whiteness, redness, or blackness, man is still left. Man is an abstract conception; a black, a white, or a red man is a concrete conception. A thing, it is plain, is in the concrete when it has attributes; in the abstract when in imagination all attributes are abstracted and only one substance left. Let us not forget this.


Use-value and exchange-value are concrete or particular forms of value, and come first in point of experience, but our purpose will be better served by examining value in the abstract. Now, what does value express? A comparison. If I say what is the value of your watch as compared with my chain, it is equal to saying what amount of a given substance is there in your watch as compared with the same substance in my chain? It by comparison of two quantities expressed in a given substance are compelled to assent that value is a quantitative relation. They are so in obedience to psychological law, for the human mind is subject to physical law like all other physical things. Marx to illustrate his point, takes the question of weight. When we weigh things, we compare, and our comparison is one of quantity in a given gravitating substance. How do we weigh articles? By ascertaining their gravitative force, usually by a pair of scales. The articles we compare must both have one substance, the property of weight. There would be no comparison if we compared the sound of a gramophone with the brass weight. It is clear then, when we analyse a value relation our task is to find the substance by means of which we compare? Our present task is to find the substance of exchange-value. We have acknowledged that a commodity is our unit of capitalist wealth and our comparison is, therefore, between two commodities which takes place at the point of exchange because it is there the equation is made. We produce commodities, and then distribute by means of exchange. Our method of distribution thus compels us to find the exchange-value. We can agree without argument that the value-substance is in the commodities before we exchange and compare them, just as the weight is in a cabbage, and in the iron or brass weights before we put them into the scales. From this circumstance we call exchange-value an objective relation because the object is there in the commodities in front of us, and all that is required Is to measure It. By common consent there are two substances only by which the value of commodities can be expressed— utility and labor. Of course, we can have as many values as we can find substances to make a comparison. Thus we can have bread values, cloth values, land values without number. But for general purposes we can include these in one category, and call them use-values, or things of utility, as they can all be ranged under this title, so for the purpose of argument we can agree that our substance must be either utility or labor. How do we test utility? At the point of exchange? No. We can only test it by means of consumption. We realize the utility or usevalue of a pair of boots by wearing them. Sugar is useful to me because it is sweet, and I test it by tasting it or consuming it— not by exchanging It. Utility is evidently of a subjective character, varying with the taste of each individual. I like acid drops you prefer cloves. The utility of the two depends on our tastes. It is evident that utility has to be discarded as the substance of exchange-value because it cannot become manifest at the point of exchange. If utility was the test of value, a man ought to pay more for a loaf when he was hungry than when satisfied, but the price of a loaf remains the same whether a man is hungry or not. Exchanging a thing does not tell us its utility that as we see, depends upon its consumption, so we have to fall back upon the only alternative— labor.


Can we measure labor at the point of exchange? Yes, by means of labor-time. Ascertain the time taken to produce two commodities, and we know their relative exchange-value. And this quality tallies with market valuations. Reduce the labor in a commodity by means of some labor-saving contrivance, and the price falls. Let conditions change, and more labor be expended on it then the price rises.

Marx, in dealing with this question of value, made an important discovery, which forms the greatest contribution to political economy since the time of Aristotle— namely, that of reducing labor to the abstract. The different kinds of labor are too numerous to count, but we can view them in the abstract as one product- human energy. Thus when we compare commodities, we compare them as products of human energy, and not as samples of carpentry and shoe-making labor— a fact which had escaped previous economists.


So far as creating value is concerned, then, one man creates as much value as another, and on the basis of equal labor time equal value, Socialists rest their argument of social equality.


Price Form Value


Briefly put, an exchange of two commodities is an exchange between labor; we are, however, confronted with this fact, that the market does not say that a commodity is worth so much labor, but it is worth so much money. This brings us to the price-form of value.


In dealing with wealth, we saw that a commodity had to be selected to measure other commodities. And that every commodity, as a consequence, had to assume the money-form of wealth. We do not under capitalism measure things directly by labor time, the true standard, but by their price. If we consider a moment we shall realise that exchange value can have no direct time standard. For how is the market to know the exact time that one manufacturer takes to produce a commodity as compared with another. Besides, manufacturers are very secretive as to their methods of production. The consequence is that the market has to fall back upon the price-value-form of the articles, such price being settled by higgling or competition. We are so used to pricing things that we never consider what it means, and we do not suppose one in a thousand could explain it if asked. Yet it is very simple. We say boots are worth half-a-sovereign. How do we mentally arrive at that and conform to all the conditions attached to value? Why we turn our boots, by imagination, into a piece of gold, then we compare it with a sovereign. As soon as our boots assume the gold form, the rest is easy. We can compare the two pieces of gold by their weight. And that is what really happens. We fulfil by this method all the conditions attached to value. By reducing all commodities to gold, we reduce them to gold-labor and though we may not precisely know the time taken to produce half a sovereign, we know collectively considered, that the time taken to produce one half- sovereign is equal to that of any other. The price-form measures two quantities by one substance, by means of their weight, and this is how the capitalist system arrives at the value of commodities. Weight becomes thus the standard of price, and price becomes the exponent of exchange-value. Now price being an ideal or imaginary form of value, is also subject to the vagaries of the imagination, and thus we price the value of honesty, and all sorts of absurd things which are really not commodities. Such things often disturb the student of economy. By studying the price-form of value, however, we get an explanation of many seeming anomalies which arise out of the complex social relations going on around us. Take, for instance, the sale of sites. Why does a piece of land fetch such a high price in the City compared with other situations? Because the City represents a place where business can be done on a large scale. There a greater quantity of profit can be realised, and a buyer is glad to pay $5,000 that he may enjoy $10,000 which the site enables him to secure. Thus there arise discrepancies between price and value, similarly as between price of production and the cost of production.


But we are digressing. Before dealing with cost of production, we have to deal with surplus-value, and to do that we must analyse constant and variable capital, labor and labor-power, then we can return to price of production and cost of production.


Capital.


For the better analysis of capital, Marx divides capital into two divisions— constant and variable. These respectively represent the means of production and wages. The reason Marx uses the term "constant," is because anything in the nature of plant cannot alter its value when transformed or changed into another product. For instance, a skin of an animal is worth a sovereign. When converted into a rug, the skin, by itself, still represents a sovereign, neither more nor less. The same argument applies to a building, a machine, or any other instrument of production. The old economists used to divide capital into many divisions. They would put a building in one category, because it was a long time circulating, and they put seeds and such-like things in another category because they circulated quicker. These latter divisions are really useless. What concerns us is whether that portion merged in the new product alters its value. Marx points out that instruments of production do not change their value when transformed into a commodity. That is if a capitalist buys a machine worth a thousand pounds, it can only impart the value of a thousand pounds, and whether this value is imparted in one year or ten makes no difference from its value point of view; and he, therefore, applies the term constant to this form of capital— constant, because i has no power to expand its value.


With regard to wage-labour, or labour-power, Marx shows that its value changes when it is transformed into a commodity. Thus a man who sells his labour-power for a given sum imparts three or four times its value into a commodity and for this reason he calls that portion of capital which is spent in wages variable capital, as it increases its value when embodied in a product.


Labour-Power and Labour[2].


We have already touched upon labour. Upon analysing it, we find we require three terms to express its variable phases, (l) One to express labour as stored up in a man's body; (2) one to express its activity; (3) one to express its embodiment in a commodity. Generally only one is used which has led to some confusion in ideas. Marx observed this, and he introduced the word labourpower, meaning the power to labour. It is this power to labour which the workers sell to the capitalist ill exchange for a wage. Firstly labour-power is the crystallised energy of the worker; secondly, labouring or working expresses the expenditure of this crystallised energy; and thirdly, labour expresses the embodiment of this energy in the product. The only evidence we have of expended labour is, of course, the objective form of the commodity. We know that a chain has labour embodied in it because of its form. Now labour, like value, must, also be looked at from the quantitive and the qualitative standpoint. When we regard labour as human energy only, we ignore its qualitative side.


Objection is often taken to Marx reducing all lands of labour to one given quality, and only counting them as simple energy. The objectors are not very logical, however, for they never object to the capitalist doing the same thing under the price form. The capitalist, when he sells a commodity, never thinks about the various kinds of labour in it. He calculates them all in gold, which is only stating that every commodity is equal to gold, and therefore to gold-labour, to affirm which is equal to saying that there is only one quality of labour- which, in the eyes of orthodox economists, is Marx’s greatest sin.


Surplus-Value.


We have now to deal with surplus-value. Marx means by this term the difference between the cost of labour-power and the value it creates. The worker toils 48 hours. His wages represent twelve hours, the 36 hours represent surplus-value. Or it can be put in another way. A number of men are agriculturists. Their labour-power costs £100. The products of their labour are put on the market and realise £400— a difference of £300, which is the measure of their exploitation. The same argument applies to other industries. If a man produces the equivalent of his wages in the first three hours of his day's work, it is plain that if he work twelve hours he is exploited of nine hours' labour. The latter portion, therefore, represents unpaid labour, or surplus-value. By this means the capitalist not only gets an equivalent for the wages he disburses as variable capital, but an addition, which enables him to add to his plant and to live in luxury. Millionaires accumulate their hoards because they tap or get tribute from a great number of workers, or draw from a surplus fund which has already been accumulated by other capitalists, as on the Exchange Market. Surplus-value, be it noted, is a subsidiary form of value. The capitalist enters into production, and he purchases machinery, plant, and labour-power, which represent so much value. When he places his commodities on the market he realises more value than their cost of production. That part of value which the capitalist gets for nothing, and on which his class and the aristocratic classes fatten is surplus-value, or unpaid labour. Value is a general term, used as an equivalent to express the whole of the time worked on a commodity; surplus-value is that portion of the time for which no equivalent is given.


By analysing the returns of the income-tax, various economists show that the value received by the working-class and the superintendents of labour amount to a third or less of the wealth produced. The income-tax returns, however, are not a very reliable test of the degree of exploitation, though, of course, they afford us valuable and incontestable evidence that the worker does not receive more than a third of what he produces. One to four, or one to five, in my opinion, expresses more accurately the rate of exploitation.


Price of Production”- “Cost of Production.”


In our examination of the price-form of value, it was shown clearly that the price of a thing did not necessarily correspond to the exact amount of labour embodied in it, although in the mass prices would do so. Some people imagine that there is no limit to prices, forgetting that price at bottom is a labour estimate of one commodity with another. A little thought will show that the sum of prices cannot exceed the hours of labour. For instance, if the gold commodity on which prices are based represent 100 million pounds because it takes 100 million days to produce it, and the rest of commodities represented one thousand millions on the same basis, then it would be useless for individuals to estimate their commodities beyond the 1,100 millions minus 1, as there would be no products to represent their price value.


The high prices of pictures and objects of virtu, etc., are often a source of perplexity to the student. We can only observe here that the accumulation of surplus value in the hands of a small class enables individuals to indulge in peculiar ways to ostentatiously display their wealth in order to gain the homage of the people or excite the envy of their fellows. Thus one man will give fabulous sums for special pictures, and another will do the same for old china. Such prices may increase as the mass of surplus value increases in the hands of these individuals.


“Price of production” corresponds to the market price, and the market price corresponds to the money-value of the article. “Cost of production” represents the amount of actual labor embodied in an article. “Price of production” represents its money value in the market in accordance with the historic development of capitalist prices. To recapitulate: society creates so many commodities, expending on their production so many hours of labor, the latter being their real cost of production. But when they are placed upon the markets, the number of hours does not tally with individual commodities. Some commodities with ten hours of labor may actually sell at the same price as those containing two hours of labor.


“Cost of production” and “price of production” are often used as synonymous terms, which leads to confusion. Marx in some of his writings, as for instance in “Wage-Labor and Capital,” leaves the reader in doubt sometimes as to the interpretation he wishes to put upon the phrase, “cost of production.” For the above reasons, I have accentuated the difference between the two phrases.


The “composition” of capital expresses the relation between the variable and constant capital, both the later altering as the conditions of production vary. For instance, the adoption of a new invention in machinery in a given industry may cause less wages to be paid, and more material to be used. This at once alters the composition of the capital in that industry. The most advanced industries are those which have most successfully reduced the amount of variable capital, representing wages, and increased that of constant capital, representing plant and materials. By studying the variations in the composition of capital, we see how the labor-time may change in one commodity as compared with another, though prices remain the same. To illustrate this, let us for argument’s sake assume that two capitalists deal with each other and exchange equally on the basis of 100 hours in their particular commodities. One of the capitalists reduces the labor-time taken to produce his commodity to 75 hours, and keeps this advantage for years, with no variation in his price. The other capitalist only gets the product of 75 for his 100. as time progresses, however, the other capitalist suddenly reduces the hours taken to produce his commodities to one-half, thus turning the tables on his fellow capitalist. It may happen that both of them may be unconscious of the economic conditions which have determined the price of their goods with each other. Competition, of course, comes in here as a regulating factor sooner or later.


Social conditions, it is evident, may enable one given capital to draw more products from the market in exchange than it is entitled to, for a long period of time, but the gain of one involves loss to another. Readers will see that underlying these two forms of capital, constant and variable, endless changes are possible, both in price and labor time, labor remaining the governing factor all the while.


General Rate of Profit.


Marx deals with these variations represented in price of production under the heading of "General Rate of Profit." For example: a capitalist invests his capital with a view of obtaining on it the highest rate of profit possible. Having done so, he quickly finds that competition compels him to alter the proportion of capital spent in plant, and that disbursed in wages. He is compelled to introduce machinery, which, of course, adds proportionately to his raw material and general plant. His wages bill may by this means become less, though his absolute amount of capital remains the same, or more, as necessity compels. The consequence is that the proportion of money spent in plant and in wages in the production of various commodities varies greatly in the course of capitalist development. All industries are subject to changes in the composition of their capital. First it is one and then another which takes the lead. These variations in the composition of capital of different commodities have a tendency to equalise. Marx takes up five of the most important industries, and demonstrates that their variation results in an average which, in a remarkable manner, shows how their price of production, when massed, conforms to their cost of production.


That the price of commodities gravitates to their labour-value is shown by the fact that, given their composition of capital, their price falls with the diminution of labor-time taken to produce them, and the converse happens when the time taken to produce them increases. Labor becomes therefore, the regulating factor of “Price of production”.


Marx then proceeds to elaborate this argument.
He goes on to say that if we look around we shall find evidence of certain commodities in a sufficiently primary stage of production to show that labor-time is the basis of their exchange. For instance, the products of a peasant proprietary more approximately exchange according to their real value than the fully-developed capitalist ...[3] of commodities. Again, when hand labor was predominant, products naturally conformed to their labor-time. Special work, however, would evolve special tools, instruments, and machinery, and with this specialisation of tools, capital spent in plant and material would necessarily increase as compared with the capital spent in wages. The purchases of improved instruments and machinery would, from the point of view of capital expended, require the same profit on the money disbursed in machinery as if it were spent on labor, and thus a difference is set up which varies with the development of each particular industry.


The application of scientific methods and invention increases the productivity of labor, but very little indeed of this productiveness goes to the owner of labor-power. A certain number of workers, it is true, receive a higher rate of pay as superintendents, but that is accounted for by the fact that they relieve the capitalist of the onus of superintendence. Every invention, every improvement in production, goes to the capitalist, and thus the worker becomes relatively exploited more and more as capitalism progresses.


The proletarian (or man with not capital) sells his labor at its cost of production, which represents his standard of comfort. To account for the differences in the price of labor-power we have, as before intimated, to go back into history. The difference is founded on physical force, and commenced with the time when man forced his fellow-woman and fellow-man into slavery by the power of the sword. Exploitation commenced with slavery, was continued with serfdom, and is now being perpetuated by capitalism in the form of wage-slavery. Custom and convention caused men to acquiesce in their slavery and serfdom, and the same habit of though possesses the wage slave, who now looks upon his wage-slavery as a natural method of reward. Unhappily the principle of competition, which drives the wheel of capitalism, is compared by the worker to the natural law of the survival of the fittest in Nature, and he has come to regard his servile position as being in accordance with natural causes, and not due to artificial law created by man.


The law of the rate of profit, while it explains the process of the differences in the prices of production, does not, of course, account for all the various methods of distribution of wealth. The arbitrary distribution of wealth commenced, as we see, with the subjection of man. The men of the sword made the laws in conformity with their interests, and to this day their descendants hold command of the Law Courts, the Army and Navy, and of the Government, which they use as a means of rewarding their own class. These men have ever exacted a tribute in the form of labour or rent, and with the development of the capitalist system they manage to extort their share of surplus-value. The new money Prince, Capital, has secured equal rights with the feudal lord, but the capitalist has not yet displaced him. He prefers to share with him the power to control the destinies of the social bees, to whom they allow a little that they may be robbed of much.


Owing to the “splendid” organisation of our “captains of industry”, each one producing blindly against the other, there is always going on a see-saw between supply and demand. Some economists recognize that though at times there may be a considerable disturbance caused in production by lack of supply or over-production, yet that over a given time supply and demand equal to each other. John Stuart Mill went so far as to say that economists might always assume, in considering value, that supply and demand equated each other. This view has not altogether had the unqualified assent of the ordinary capitalist economist. Unlike John Stuart Mill, he has an axe to grind. He finds that the difference in supply and demand acts as a very convenient cover under which he may explain variations in prices and justify social inequalities.


Supposing, however, that value is governed by supply and demand, then it follows that value is dependent upon the difference between the two, and when they are equal, commodities have no value because there is no difference to express it. Thus Marx very pertinently asks: When supply and demand are equal, what governs their value? This question has never been answered. The capitalists, who kindly undertake for our advantage the industrial organisation of the community, would, if they knew their business, keep supply and demand at an equation, for that is their business. Poor Ruskin, who was not a business man, once said it was their “duty”. If capitalists should by any chance become more efficient in their business, this question put by Marx will become still more urgent, and out orthodox economists ought not to delay furnishing an answer to the question. Surely half a century ought to be long enough for learned professors of economy to answer such a simple query.


Economic Rent.


The classical definition of economic rent given by Ricardo is now generally accepted by orthodox economists. He describes it as being “that portion of the product of the earth which is paid to the landlord for the use of the original and indestructible powers of the soil”.


Marx, in dealing with the subject, points out that economic rent so-called is the outcome of special social relations peculiar to the capitalist system. What Ricardo failed to see was that, under capitalism, land as a factor of production, becomes capitalised according to its labor-saving attributes. Land which requires less labor to produce a given product than that of an inferior quality, is capitalised as being so much more valuable than the latter. Thus one acre may be valued at as much as four of another quality.


Ricardo, in common with other classical economists, overlooked the fact that the capitalist is not so much concerned about the fertility of a given piece of land as he is to secure a given rate of profit on his capital. The latter is prepared to pay a certain price for on acre, or, failing that, the same for four acres, as the case may be, so long as he gets his usual rate of interest on his invested capital. Fertility of the soil is thus of secondary importance to that of profit to the capitalist. It often happens that an acre of land which will produce 24 bushels of wheat upwards may be less profitable to the capitalist than one which produces only 12 bushels, the former, in consequence, being compelled to fall out of cultivation. In fact, experience tells us that the less fertile soil of America competes out of the market the more fertile soil of England.


Economic rent is dependent on the amount of profit secured by the exploitation of labor. This view of the matter explains away the apparent anomaly of inferior soils competing out of the market superior soils. For example: A capitalist farmer employs a given quantity of capital on a fertile soil near a market, and realises a profit. The landlord raises his rent accordingly. The farmer, as greedy as the landlord, soon tires of paying a tribute to his landlord in the form of economic rent, so-called. He shifts his capital to America, and employs it on less fertile soil than before, actually obtaining a higher profit on his capital. The reason is that a twenty-acre field in America under present social conditions turns out to be a more profit-making factor, requiring less labor and capital, than a ten-acre field in England, although the latter may be twice as fertile. Rent, it is plain, is not based on the difference between the fertility of the soil, but upon the fact whether the soil is a better instrument for the exploitation of labor with a given amount of capital.


The Ricardian theory pre-supposes land which pays no rent, which is an absurdity. It also ignores the fact that the fertility of land is not inexhaustible, and that its fertility has to be renewed by the application of labor.


The Marxian theory that rent is unpaid labor covers all the phenomena connected with land. The farmer pays rent for land, so that he may employ labor and exploit it; but he cannot do this without entering into social relations with the landlord. The particular social relations with the landlord. The particular social relation that binds the farmer to the landlord is the landlord’s proprietary right in the soil which enables him to exact a toll of the surplus-value the farmer gets from his laborers.


The same social relation which demonstrates that economic rent is a tax on labor also applies to the rent of sites. A high rent is exacted from tenants near a market town or city because the landlord sees his opportunity of participating in the profits secured by the occupier. Rent, under such circumstances, will rise with the profits secured by the tenant.


Those who wish to study the question further should read “Economics of Socialism”, by H.M. Hyndman, and Marx’s “Poverty of Philosophy”.


General Remarks.


Marx at some length shows how the principle of exchange, when arrived at a given stage of development, overcomes all obstacles to its progress. The old system of feudalism, with its cumbersome methods of production, gives way to the labor-saving appliance and improved method of distribution which capital enables to be introduced. Serfs as free laborers are more profitable as artisans and factory hands, and feudalism passes away to return no more. But this increase of production does little to improve the workers’ position. The wealth they produce goes in the hands of the capitalist and those of the aristocratic class, the latter still retaining its grip on a great portion of wealth produced under the superintendence of the capitalist. The accumulation of wealth is aided by the law of competition both capitalist and worker having to bow before it. The capitalist has to compete to secure the market, which he does by lowering the cost of his commodity, and the worker has to compete with his fellows for the right to labor. As the market expands, it becomes possible for large capitalists to cheapen production by increasing their machinery and buying in larger quantities, and by specialisation of labor, to compete the smaller holders of capital out of the market. Hence we get the company form, and then a combination of companies into combines and trusts, the greatest examples of which we see in America, in the Rockefeller’s oil and steel trusts. Competition leads to monopoly, and is a refined form of conflict similar to that which takes place in brute evolution. It is only a matter of time for all industries to develop into the trust form. These, in their turn, will compete, as science can often destroy one industry and give rise to another, and thus assist continuos competition and friction. We have here sketched the natural law of direct evolution of the trust, but, as M. Lefage, the French naturalist, warned Darwin, we must not dogmatise on direct descent in physical evolution, so must we be careful not to dogmatise too much on the direct development of all industries into the trust form, for it is possible that many of the industries may never reach this stage of the ripe trust, they coming under the influence of, and developing under other laws – the laws of collectivism and co-operation set up by society itself in opposition to capitalist individualism. The triumph of the company, the combine and trust is also a victory for the law of collectivism, for the amalgamation brings into one combination competing capitals, and then separate establishments, thereby economising labor and capital. This amalgamation of capital and consequent growth of collectivism become, equally with the latter, a triumph for co-operation.


As capital increases, it continues to bring under one roof a greater number of workers who, instead of competing for the market under various capitalists, now co-operate under one capital, and with further accumulation of capital, there correspondingly grow collectivism and co-operation which are the antitheses of competition and of capitalism.


Capitalism, and its dominance over the forces of industry, appear so great that it overshadows all other forces which are growing up silently side by side with it. But national and municipal bodies grow up, whose powers and multiplicity of functions increase with time, until we find them coming into conflict with possessors of capital, who openly declare that public bodies are taking up their functions. So great and so powerful have these municipal and national bodies become, that the people are beginning to recognize in them the working forces of collectivism and co-operation which they fail to appreciate under the dominion of the larger capitals. Thus many industries are being taken over by municipal bodies which will prevent them reaching the higher competition stage of the trust form. Under this heading we may instance the supply of water, lighting, housing, and various forms of transit, and we anticipate before long that industries connected with our food supply will be taken up with a view to palliate the miseries which capitalism entails.


Capitalist accumulation will go on increasing, but so will municipal and national production, and with it the class-consciousness of the worker, who will politically support social collectivism for the benefit of his class. There can be but one issue- victory for the people.


And what does this victory mean? – Universal co-operation, securing the well-being of every individual. At the present hour it is calculated that the wealth of the United Kingdom exceeds 2,000 millions per year. This divided among 40 millions gives £250 per family. It is said that the abolition of waste labor and the conscription of the idle classes would quadruple the production. £1,000 per year per family is a very good standard of comfort under a co-operative system of living.


Universal co-operation with an assured subsistence for all means the abolition of classes and the establishment of social equality.


Much of the opposition to Marx’s teachings arises from his triumphant claim that the substance of value is labor denuded of the Fabians’ rent of ability. Men and women like to dominate and keep others in subjection to them. An assured subsistence to all means that no one will place himself in a servile position to another, and this accounts for the opposition of those whose brute animalism prompts them to oppose a system which offers no prospective pleasure for the exercise of those propensities acquired in an age of animalism.


A great deal is made by Marx’s opponents of the claim that the differences in individual talent ought to correspond with their share of material products. The answer to this is that each social economic unit equals each other, and that all healthful men and women possess faculties, when trained, which will enable them to produce more than sufficient for their wants. Thus it would be idle to give a man more than he needs, which would be the case if differences in the award of wealth were made according to supposed talent.


With the abolition of social inequality will also come the abolition of those physical and intellectual differences which are so marked to-day. As soon as society feeds, clothes, and carefully educates its members, it will at once tend to restore a physical and mental equilibrium between its members. The individuality of its members will be maintained by the special cultivation of a given number of their faculties in the following of certain pursuits in arts, science, or philosophy, as the cause may be. Thus we shall, comparatively speaking, secure in the future a race of healthy giants, whose individuality will consist in the specialised culture of their intellect, which, in its turn, will form the basis of an intellectual individualism upon which the future progress of society may securely rest.


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in giving our concluding remarks, we cannot impress upon the reader too much that to understand Marx thoroughly, great attention must be given to the price-form of value, for we believe it was through his patient study of the money-form of commodities that Marx conquered all the difficulties attending his analysis of the capitalist system. The conclusion forces itself upon one when reading his first work, “Economique Critique”.


His philosophical studies convinced him that an exchange of two commodities implied an equation. Exchange-value to Marx, like all other comparisons, resolved itself into a quantitative relation in the terms of a given substance. These facts were already apprehended, though imperfectly, by the classical economists. Experience forced them to consider labor as the substance of value; but to exalt labor was to depreciate capital, and condemn profit, so they fell back on the shibboleths of “supply and demand”, “economic rent”, “the reward of abstinence”, “rent of ability”, etc., to justify the exploitation of labor.


Marx, of course, had still to explain how one commodity with many hours of labor came to exchange with a commodity containing less.


To say that labor, governed by time, is the substance of exchange-value, is to assert that one hour’s labor is equal to that of any other, and to affirm that the amount of labor in a shilling’s worth of ordinary matches is the same as that contained in a shilling toy at a West End bazaar, when it is patent to all that the matches represent at least ten times as much labor as the other.


Furthermore, labor-power being a commodity, that also should, approximately at least, attain to an even price, whereas it varies as 1 to 100.


These facts seemed to destroy the basis of Marx’s labor equation, which implied a determination of equal quantities.


The price-form of value solved this difficulty for Marx, for it showed him that it turned all commodities into imaginary pieces of gold, and then measured them by means of their weight. An ounce of gold is equal to that contained in any other. The price-form of commodities, notwithstanding any variation in their cost of production measured by labor, conforms to all the conditions laid down by the laws governing comparisons, and enabled Marx to sustain his proposition that labor was the substance of exchange-value.


The price-form of value solves many difficulties. Marx, by studying the effect that the amount of interest, or, as he calls it, “the rate of profit”, had upon the price of commodities, coupled with the variations between “constant” and “variable” capital in the development of an industry, discovered the key to these seeming anomalies. Capitalists, says Marx, enter into production to get profit or interest on money. It is a matter of indifference to them whether they spend their money on machinery or on labor so long as they get a return in the form of interest. To beat a competitor they spend more money in machinery and plant, and less in labor. They produce quicker, and with less labor, a given commodity. Its price, however, may still remain for some time approximately the same. However this may be, there is set up a great difference between the amount of labor in that as compared with other commodities. Competition equates many of these differences, and in the process of time these commodities become fixed in price, and maintain a given proportion or disproportion of labor, as the case may be. These disparities between the labor-time contained in commodities are also reflected in the price of labor-power, which is explained best by considering the origin of the differences in the price of labor. To reduce the differences of labor-time which lay hidden in the price-form of commodities, we must go back to the first form of exploitation -that of slavery- before the price-form of value existed.


Slaves are equal producers with their masters in the first instance. The only difference between slave and owner is that the slave has to be content with a portion of what he produces, the other going to keep his master. In time, when slaves become numerous enough, their surplus product becomes divided between the family and individuals who assist in maintaining the slaves in subjection. The number of this exploiting class depends upon the number of slaves. The number of idlers who live upon slaves must necessarily be small as compared with the producers. When slaves become serfs, the same principle of exploitation continues. There grow up, of course, ever so many more grades of workers and shirkers, whose powers over consumption express their power to exploit their fellows. When the conditions of production, exchange, and capitalism become supreme, those who have control over the means of production pay their serfs wages instead of allowing them to produce their own subsistence and then work for their serf lords. Those serfs who have been allowed as artisans, retainers, and superintendents, to have a greater share over consumption than wage-slaves, receive as wages the equivalent of what they had in the past secured, and thus the social inequalities and evils of exploitation attached to slavery and serfdom are handed down to the present day. Convention sanctions the power of the sword, on which slavery and serfdom are based. Men now receive as wages not what they earn, but what they can secure as remuneration, governed by the social influence they have in society. The aristocracy control the land, the capitalists the plant and machinery, and between the two are divided all the political forces and also control over the Army and Navy and Law. Thus the price of labor is a reflex of the exploitation by force which was carried on under slavery. So many men work so many hours, and produce a given quantity of wealth. Society allows their products to be divided up by individuals or classes of individuals, according as they claim it under the form of rent, interest and profit, or cost of subsistence. Because one man has a power over consumption equal to £100, and another equal to £10, it does not follow that the former produces more or that the latter produces less than the other; the question is not one of earning, but social power over consumption. On an average all produce the same. Any variation over command of wealth is due to forces which can only be explained by studying history.


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Marx is also celebrated for his adoption of what is known as the “Materialist conception of history”, by means of which he is said to reduce all men’s activities (including physical, mental and moral) to the forms of production. Very few of Marx’s works are translated into English[4], but we know that Marx was a sociologist, who regarded economics as a branch of that science. He saw that so long as the means of life were held by a class then those dependent on them would within certain limits, be controlled by their economic environment. His book was written with the hope and purpose of freeing society from capitalist domination, and giving it democratic control over its economic forms of production. This view appeals to us as a reasonable and right one, and does not land us in the coils of an absolute economic determinism or economic fatalism, which are only forms resurrected from the study of the absolute.

1British liberal politician and orator, (1811-1889). Spent his career supporting free trade policies including the repeal of the Corn Laws. He also supported political reforms to weaken the power of the aristocracy and enfranchise the middle class.

2Until this point in the text Labour was spelt in the US way `labor` but appears to have switched to British style English.

3Illegible in source text.

4Most English language translations of Marx’s writings come from the Soviet Union after they purchased the complete works of Marx and Engels from exiled leaders of the German Social Democratic Party in the 1930s.

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